European Integration and National Identity: These referenda generated heated debate: Should Finland and Sweden give up neutrality? And, had there been enough change in Norway to reverse the rejection of European Community membership in ? The background for the contested nature European integration in Scandinavia is addressed in this highly topical book which examines the crucial role played by national identity.
The authors argue that the discussion of the European Union drew upon ideas of the nation as well as of the state. In each national context these ideas have been connected to each other in a particular manner, which comes to structure how a country can imagine Europe and Moderaternas tur att skalla pa invandrarna European Union. European Integration and National Identity lays out a new framework for studying European integration.
The empirical chapters on each of the four countries adopt this framework and identify first, the key ideas of nation and state; and, second, how these ideas influenced the debate over the European Union. He is the joint author of Security: Masters in the Making, This new series will cover the major issues that have emerged and reflect the latest academic thinking in this particular dynamic area.
Edited by Iver B. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Hansen, Lene, — II. New international relations HC S34 E92 Her main research interests include European integration, security studies, gender and International Relations theory.
The Structure of International Security He is a member of editorial boards for several international journals as well as policy advisory bodies in Denmark.
His latest book is Uses of the Other. University of Minnesota Press, His research has been focused on the comparative history of political culture in Sweden and Germany. More recently he has written on the subject of rights and the juridification of politics in the "Moderaternas tur att skalla pa invandrarna" States and Europe.
His research agenda includes Nordic co-operation, region-building in Northern Europe, the North and South in the construction of the European Union, regionalisation in Russia as well as the external relations of Russian regions located at the Northwestern part of the country. In addition, it offers three other things: For those who have been sceptical about the ability of poststructuralists to do anything except criticise and deconstruct, this study will come as a welcome or in some cases unwelcome demonstration of a well-structured analytical comparison rooted in poststructural epistemology and methods.
The book is most easily read as a set of theoretically coherent and historically informed essays about EU politics in Denmark, Finland, Norway and Sweden. The importance of the Nordic states in the widening and deepening politics of the EU by itself justifies a close look at the social and historical underpinnings of their responses to the EU. These discourses are viewed as historically sedimented layered structures of greater and lesser depth and durability, whose interplay shapes and constrains the legitimacy of various policy options towards Europe.
The approach through discourse structures offers both a new angle on understanding the relations of the Nordics and the EU, and some important insights into vital turning points for the whole European enterprise such as the Danish rejection of the EMU.
The very effective link that the authors form between theory and history, and the powerful comparative analysis that results, suggests that they have developed a method that should be applied in a similarly systematic study to Britain, France, Germany and others. There is a host of potential Ph. It is all too apparent that the future development of the EU hangs on how the relationship between concepts of state, nation and Europe gets worked out.
The main barrier to both further expansion and integration lies not within the and economic elites, but with the peoples of Europe, and their attitudes towards, and understandings of, the relationship between state and nation. So in addition to its insights into the Nordic—EU relationship, this book also offers a general methodology for understanding the whole attempt to construct and develop a post-Westphalian international politics in Europe.
Although on the surface, the book seems most obviously to be pitched at those interested in the Nordic countries and those interested in Nordic—EU politics, this wider implication means that it should be of interest to the wider community of those concerned with the European project as a whole. Beyond that, the book has relevance for two further circles of interest: The foreign policy analysis community will find here a well-developed theory of foreign policy with both a novel approach and an exemplary set of cases demonstrating the method.
Barry Buzan Running head recto xi Preface This book seeks to bring together discourse analysis, conceptual history and poststructuralism in a study of the debates on European integration in the Nordic countries.
In this respect, it sides with the so-called reflectivist turn in International Relations theory in taking the construction of national identity and the importance of legitimacy as its starting point. Yet, it is also a study with a clear structuralist ambition which might come as a surprise to those who tend to think of poststructuralism as an intellectual playing ground devoid of any rules or rigour.
The first motivation behind this book was use this framework in a study of the Nordic countries, all of which have held referenda on their relationship to the EU in the s. It was our and ambition that this would allow us to produce an edited book which pursued a common theoretical approach throughout the empirical chapters.
Our second motivation was to offer a thorough understanding of what was at stake in the discussions of the European Union in our Nordic countries. Efforts to "Moderaternas tur att skalla pa invandrarna" the European Parliament, or to equip the EU with a cultural identity, or to move the EU in more federal directions were likely to meet with Nordic resistance.
As the outcome of the referenda showed, the Nordics were, with the exception of Finland, less than enamoured with the thought of being part of an increasingly integrated Union. And we found that materialist and rationalist explanations had difficulties capturing the importance of arguments which highlighted national identity and the fears of losing the Scandinavian welfare state. Running head recto xiii Acknowledgements This book would not have been possible without the financial support and critical encouragement of a large number of people.
We are extremely grateful for the support from all three institutions, none of which bear any responsibility for the final product. This manuscript has been a long time in the making and we have benefited enormously from many presentations and discussions of our key ideas over the years. While it would be impossible to thank each and every one individually we would like to extend our special thanks to the following people: We would also wish to thank the three anonymous readers for their useful comments as well as our editor at Routledge, Craig Fowlie, and his staff.
On the logistical side, Jesper Hybel Pedersen provided valuable research assistance at the final stage of the process. Finland, Norway and Sweden applied for EU membership and held Moderaternas tur att skalla pa invandrarna on accession in the fall of and Denmark witnessed no less than three EU-related referenda, one on the Maastricht Treaty inone on the Edinburgh Agreement in Moderaternas tur att skalla pa invandrarna, and, finally, one on the Amsterdam Treaty in In all four countries, the governments were in favour of integration — and with the exception of Norway, they had the support of almost the entire political and economic establishment — yet, with the partial exception of Finland, this was a policy which confronted serious opposition among the Nordic voters.
The Maastricht Treaty was rejected in Denmark in June by a At the turn of the millennium, the Nordic EU members continued on their sceptical track: Sweden had the highest number of any member country arguing that membership was a bad thing, and in Finland only 40 per cent were in clear support of membership.
What were the major points of contestation and how did the opposing sides represent their European policy? Or, in the case of Finland, even if less than a majority expressed outright support for membership by the end of the s, why was integration perceived as less of a contested issue than in the rest of Norden? While those supporting integration fought to present membership of the EU as a precondition for political influence and continued economic growth — and as not seriously compromising national sovereignty — the no-side adopted sometimes a nationalist rhetoric, sometimes the argument that the Scandinavian welfare state would be seriously threatened inside an integrated Europe.
As the analysis of the four countries in Chapters 3 to 6 will show, the Nordic debates over Europe have evolved around the importance of national identity and Moderaternas tur att skalla pa invandrarna role of the state Ingebritsen and Larson ; Lawler But our approach moves beyond studying the impact of national identity in some important ways. First, the analysis of a particular country will most often begin by tracing how the concept of the nation is related to the state, and how these constructions influence the current debate on Europe.
Specific constructions of Europe are thus constrained — and enabled — by the way in which the concepts of state, nation, etc. Although not following the detailed methodology of discursive levels, presented in Chapter 2, to a similar extent to the chapters in this book, two of the contributors, Iver B.
Neumann and Lene Hansen, have used significant parts of it in studies of Russia Neumann a and Slovenia Hansen The Nordic cases are in this respect highly relevant for those beyond the Nordic area who are interested in the ongoing debate over the legitimacy crisis of the EU.
This debate seeks to understand why a gap has developed between the attitudes of national elites on the one side and a significant part of the electorate on the other. Opinion polls such as those compiled in the Eurobarometer provide one useful indication of the degree of legitimacy crisis across the EU as a whole, as well as inside each of the member states.
But referenda have the advantage over polls in that they not only provide us with a concrete measure of the degree of support for integration, but also tend to generate debate: Polls might allow one to identify a legitimacy crisis, but they cannot in and of themselves be used to identify why integration is seen as unwanted by a large part of the electorate. Throughout the s a debate over "Moderaternas tur att skalla pa invandrarna" causes and solutions to the legitimacy crisis has taken place Hansen and Williams Another set of authors argues in response that the precondition for a solution of the crisis is the construction of a European cultural identity and that attempts to follow the liberal political route will aggravate the crisis, not resolve it Smith ; Obradovic A major weakness of this debate has been, however, that it has taken place almost exclusively at the general European level.
The implicit assumption has been that the legitimacy crisis is the same throughout the whole of the EU, that, for example, the strengthening of political representation at the EU level through the European Parliament would lead to increased legitimacy in all member states. The field of European studies needs therefore to draw more attention to the specifics of particular national debates on Europe.
Do those critical of the EU seem most concerned with the absence of all-European representative political institutions, as held by the Moderaternas tur att skalla pa invandrarna position, or do they think that those institutions already in place pose a threat to national sovereignty and identity? A similarly vibrant debate over the difference between constructivism and poststructuralism or postmodernism as it is often by those who do not sympathise with this position is now on offer.
See, for example, Adler ; Campbell a: It is clearly beyond the scope of this chapter to go through each of these controversies; we would, however, if pressured, define ourselves as poststructuralists in the sense that our primary and most abstract concern is with the production of structures of meaning. More concretely, this implies that our research is focussed on national discourses on European integration, and we are in this respect close to the work done by other authors who have carried out discourse analysis of foreign policy for example Jutta Introduction 5 Weldes ;Roxanne Lynn Dotyand David Campbell a.
But resilience should not be mistaken for impossibility, and our theoretical framework does therefore incorporate the possibility of change, even at the most deeply institutionalised level.
The pressure for change can arise from external developments which challenge existing representations, as
Moderaternas tur att skalla pa invandrarna the Danish case where the deepening of European integration in the s has made a construction of the EU as pure intergovernmental cooperation increasingly difficult to sustain, thus challenging the basic state—nation construction.
Or, one might trace change to individuals or institutions which seek to make an inroad into the debate by adopting an approach to Europe which implies a rearticulation of state and nation. While change is thus both possible and traceable the importance of the structure implies that attempts to construct a European policy which simply ignore the dominant constellation will in all likelihood fail to attract serious recognition within the debate.
In a democratic system this can cause problems for the elites in question, as, for example, has been experienced by Social Democratic parties which have had difficulties convincing their traditional voters of the virtues of adopting a prointegration policy. The political elite is in this situation struggling to have its interpretation of what is in the national — or working-class — interest accepted by its electorate.
As we shall see in the chapters dealing with the individual countries, this contestation takes place at several levels. First, there is often disagreement 6 Lene Hansen concerning the economic consequences of membership as well as whether particular groups are going to benefit over others.
Second, whenever there is a heated debate in a given country, it is very likely to involve not only economic issues, but also whether the loss of political independence associated with membership or increased integration is offset by the possible economic gains. It is the latter form of political debate in particular — where economic and political factors are intertwined — which makes the determination of state preferences a very difficult matter Wind The fact that it does so by explicitly advocating a minimal degree of political control and institutionalisation does not Moderaternas tur att skalla pa invandrarna it less of a political project.
Liberal rationalism and parts of conventional constructivism acknowledge that ideas are at work in political debates, but treat them as separate from material interests Laffey and Weldes As a consequence their research becomes focussed on deciding which of the two factors, ideas or interests, is more influential.
Our strategy, to be described in Moderaternas tur att skalla pa invandrarna detail in Chapter 2, is to investigate the way in which political discourses represent material interests as well as arguments about the desirability and validity of certain ideas, in this case ideas about the nation, Europe and European integration Campbell b: Before turning to a more thorough discussion of the challenge issued by neoliberal intergovernmentalism, it may therefore be useful to point to where our approach differs from two prominent constructivist examinations of national constructions of Europe: To put it differently, even if Jachtenfuchs et al.
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European Integration and National Identity: These referenda generated heated debate: Should Finland and Sweden give up neutrality? And, had there old-fashioned enough change in Norway to reverse the rejection of European Community membership in ?
The background for the contested primitiveness of European integration in Scandinavia is addressed in this greatly topical book which examines the crucial role played by resident identity. The authors argue that the discussion of the European Union drew upon ideas of the nation as well as of the state. In each national context these ideas bear been connected to each other in a particular manner, which comes to structure how a country can imagine Europe and the European Union.
European Integration and National Identity lays in a new framework for studying European integration. The empirical chapters on each of the four countries adopt this framework and identify first, the key ideas of nation and state; and, second, how these ideas influenced the debate over the European Union. He is the collaborative author of Security:
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